By Junko Thérèse Takeda
Between Crown and Commerce examines the connection among French royal statecraft, mercantilism, and civic republicanism within the context of the globalizing economic system of the early glossy Mediterranean global.
This is the tale of the way the French Crown and native associations accommodated each other as they sought to forge appropriate political and advertisement relationships with each other for the typical target of financial prosperity. Junko Thérèse Takeda tells this story throughout the specific event of Marseille, a port the monarchy observed as key to advertisement growth within the Mediterranean.
At first, Marseille’s advertisement and political elites have been strongly against the Crown’s encroaching impression. instead of brush aside their issues, the monarchy cleverly co-opted their civic traditions, practices, and associations to persuade the city’s elite in their vital function in Levantine trade. leader between such traditions have been neighborhood rules of citizenship and civic advantage. because the city’s stature during the Mediterranean grew, notwithstanding, so too did the risks of business enlargement as exemplified by way of the arriving of the bubonic plague. Marseille’s electorate reevaluated citizenship and service provider advantage in the course of the epidemic, whereas the French monarchy's use of the drawback as a chance to additional expand its energy reanimated republican vocabulary.
Between Crown and Commerce deftly combines a political and highbrow heritage of state-building, mercantilism, and republicanism with a cultural historical past of clinical main issue. In doing so, the ebook highlights the conjoined historical past of vast transnational tactics and native political change.
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Extra info for Between Crown and Commerce: Marseille and the Early Modern Mediterranean (The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science)
41 Arnoul and d’Oppède initiated negotiations with the Chamber, without the participation of the Hôtel de Ville, which could not concern itself directly with commerce. The Chamber of Commerce decided, however, that the edict did not suit the ﬁnancial interests of Marseille’s merchant community. ” The abolition of all duties would be disastrous for the chamber. It would be deprived of the income that it spent to maintain the port, impose quarantines, police smugglers, and pay the stipend of the French ambassador in Constantinople.
First, he maintained that merchants, and Marseille’s in par ticular, placed their ﬁnancial interests over the public good. Second, he insisted that given such merchant egotism, unregulated trade in Marseille would endanger the state. Colbert believed that commerce required the guiding hand of the Crown to ensure that trade contributed to the public good. Such assumptions prompted Colbert to require Marseillais trading ships to sail the Mediterranean in convoy under royal naval escort. 59 Colbert criticized the merchants for placing their ﬁnancial interests over those of trade in general.
They challenged the liberalization of the port from the moment the idea of the edict 32 bet ween crown and commerce became public knowledge. As of 1664, Colbert had not found a single collaborator willing to act as an intermediary in Aix- en-Provence and in Marseille to realize his dreams. Finally, he turned to Arnoul and d’Oppède. Facing opposition from the échevinage, these royal administrators tried to court the Marseille Chamber of Commerce, hoping that its members would cooperate with the Crown.