By N. Briscoe
Britain was once arguably the only maximum catalyst and beneficiary of UN peacekeeping operations in the course of the post-war interval. This ebook analyses the explanations for this, together with the post-colonial conflicts which Britain passed the UN and its decision to make sure that peacekeeping developed in a fashion suitable with united kingdom nationwide pursuits. regardless of preliminary ambivalence approximately letting the UN run army operations, Britain again and again used the association, to shed colonial tasks, store face, proportion policing burdens, and stabilise conflicts in delicate areas. This accomplished survey first examines united kingdom event with antecedents of UN operations, particularly nineteenth century colonial policing and missions organize below the League of countries. It then analyses British efforts to steer, comprise and make the most person UN operations, together with the Emergency strength validated following the Suez challenge (1956-67), the strength within the Congo (1960-64), and the iconic operation in Cyprus (1967-). additionally lined are a number of situations while British Governments hottest to interfere unilaterally, together with in Jordan and Kuwait. one of many major contributions of the ebook is the particular research of inner united kingdom executive and UN documents, which the writer makes use of to reconstruct the coverage making method. The e-book additionally sheds mild at the peacekeeping regulations of convinced different key states, really the united states and USSR. ultimately, the account addresses a few problems with modern relevance, together with the strain among neutrality and impartiality, peacekeeping in a semi-permissive surroundings, and using strength.
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Additional info for Britain and UN Peacekeeping: 1948-67
In May 1946, the British representatives on the Military Staff Committee reported back to London on the deadlock which had been reached in the Committee. 40 Asked in June for his advice on how to coax the Russians to cooperate, the new Permanent Under-Secretary in the Foreign Office, Sir Orme Sargent, did not rule out the possibility of sidelining them while the other four countries continued their work. He stressed that the Foreign Office attach real importance to the carrying out of Article 43 … [O]n political grounds it is important that the UNO should assume as soon as possible its full authority for keeping the peace of the world.
33 He urged an early meeting of the General Staffs of the permanent members of the Security Council to discuss the method of work of the Military Staff Committee and the conclusion of the ‘special agreements’ under Article 43, on which ‘almost everything would depend’. Jebb then expounded his view of the United Nations as reflecting Antecedents and Early UN Observer Missions 21 the distribution of power in the world. 34 Despite disagreements over the mechanics of keeping the peace, there was general consensus among British policy-makers on the nature of the United Nations and the functions which it should have.
The Chiefs of Staff accepted this reasoning, although they were not won round to the concept of a UN force: From the military point of view there is little practical value in the early establishment of a UN force. It might indeed prove an embarrassment. 43 These included broad issues such as the purpose of UN armed forces (the maintenance or restoration of international peace and security) and the principle that the permanent members of the Security Council should initially contribute the major portion of the forces.